Saturday, September 26, 2009

Communing with the Council Parts 1,2,3


Exposed Part 1

Communing with the Council When a race hate scandal engulfed a right-wing group in 1998, politicians ran for cover. They didn't stay away longBy Heidi Beirich and Bob Moser See No EvilRead a list of 26 U.S. elected officials whose ties with the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) have been publicized in the CCC's Citizens Informer.Read Morehttp://www.splcenter.org/images/imglib/I/running_right_200x235.gif (Illustration by David Brinley) Though it had deep roots in Southern politics and claimed 15,000 members — more than the Ku Klux Klan has boasted for decades — the white-supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) was a mystery to most Americans until 1998. Late that year, a scandal erupted over prominent Southern politicians' ties to the brazenly racist group.At first, even the politicians in question claimed they didn't know what this Council was all about. Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi, who had spoken to the group five times, once telling its members they "stand for the right principles and the right philosophy," claimed he had "no firsthand knowledge" of it. Congressman Bob Barr of Georgia, who touched off the brouhaha by delivering a keynote speech at the CCC's national convention in June 1998, said he had "no idea" what the organization stood for. Those explanations wouldn't suffice for long. An Intelligence Report investigation (see Sharks in the Mainstream, Issue 93), picked up by several network newscasts and major newspapers, made it crystal clear what the CCC was: a hate group that routinely denigrated blacks as "genetically inferior," complained about "Jewish power brokers," called homosexuals "perverted sodomites," accused immigrants of turning America into a "slimy brown mass of glop," and named Lester Maddox, the baseball bat-wielding, arch-segregationist former governor of Georgia, "Patriot of the Century." Denunciations flew fast and furious, with embarrassed conservatives taking the lead. "Lott and Barr gave legitimacy to this racist organization by speaking before them," wrote right-wing columnist Armstrong Williams. Peggy Noonan, Ronald Reagan's former speechwriter, said that anyone associated with a group like the CCC "doesn't belong in a leadership position in America." As evidence of widespread association between Southern GOP officeholders and the CCC mounted, Republican National Committee Chairman Jim Nicholson took the unusual step of asking party members to resign from the group because of its "racist views." A resolution moved through the U.S. Congress "condemning the racism and bigotry espoused by the Council of Conservative Citizens," although it ultimately failed. Barr and Lott issued statements attempting to distance themselves from a group that was fast becoming political poison. In January 1999, the Miami Herald reported that it wasn't just governors, senators and congressmen who'd dallied with the group. According to the CCC's own Citizens Informer newspaper, more than 20 state lawmakers — 17 of them from Mississippi — had met with chapters of the hate group in 1997 and 1998. Some politicians claimed they'd been lured to CCC gatherings by members who covered up the extremist nature of the group. Still, after months of headlines exposing the group's views, "no one should be duped into believing that they are mainstream conservatives" any longer, said Anti-Defamation League national director Abraham Foxman. But five years later, Southern lawmakers are still meeting with the CCC — and still pleading ignorance. According to an Intelligence Report review of the Citizens Informer, no fewer than 38 federal, state and local elected officials who are still in office today have attended CCC events since 2000, most of them giving speeches to local chapters of the hate group. Another 38 former elected officials and candidates for office have addressed CCC groups during the past four years. Of the 38 current office-holders who've attended CCC events, 26 are state lawmakers — most of them, 23, from Lott's home state of Mississippi (see See No Evil). That roster includes such leading lights as Mississippi's governor, Haley Barbour, and the presiding justice of the state Supreme Court, Kay Cobb. It excludes 12 local officials. Though the vast majority of these politicians are Republicans — 23 of the 26 current state lawmakers, to be exact — the Republican National Committee, so forthright five years ago, now declines to condemn the CCC. No member of either party has been sanctioned or reprimanded for maintaining ties to the Council. Only half of the 26 state lawmakers responded to repeated phone calls, faxes and e-mail messages from the Intelligence Report, asking why they would openly associate with one of America's best-known racist organizations. State Rep. Jim Ellington, who addressed the Great Southern CCC this February in Jackson, Miss., was among those who did respond — with a familiar story. "They invited me to come to a dinner to speak to their group and I don't know a thing about them," Ellington said. Asked whether he was aware that the CCC was considered a hate group, Ellington replied, "They seem like normal people to me." But what about the raw racism on their Web site, which once compared singer Michael Jackson to an ape in side-by-side photos? "Well, I don't condone anything like that," Ellington said. The 'Uptown Klan' RebornPolitical influence has always been a point of pride for the Council of Conservative Citizens. Founded in 1985 by Gordon Baum, a worker's compensation attorney and longtime white-power activist, the CCC rose from the ashes of the Citizens Councils of America (CCA), a coalition of white-supremacist groups formed throughout the South to defend school segregation after the Supreme Court outlawed it in Brown vs. Board of Education. Unlike the "white trash" KKK, the CCA groups — commonly called "White Citizens Councils" — had a veneer of civic respectability, inspiring the nickname "Uptown Klan." While there were plenty of bare-knuckles racists attracted to the Councils' anti-integration slogan, "Never!" the members also included bankers, merchants, judges, newspaper editors and politicians — folks more given to wearing suits and ties than hoods and robes. Many of them, including Trent Lott's uncle, were elected to state and local offices. Some were even more powerful: governors, congressmen, U.S. senators. During the White Citizens Councils' heyday, the groups claimed more than 1 million members. Though they weren't immune to violence — Byron De La Beckwith, who murdered civil-rights leader Medgar Evers in 1963, was a member — the Councils generally used their political and financial pull to offset the effects of "forced integration." One tactic was particularly effective: The Councils raised millions of dollars to fund "white academies," private schools throughout the South that gave parents the option of keeping their children segregated. Though the CCA groups presented themselves as civic organizations akin to the Kiwanis and Civitan clubs, they left no doubt where they stood on race. "Integration represents darkness, regimentation, totalitarianism, communism and destruction," wrote Robert "Tut" Patterson, the legendary white supremacist who founded the CCA and still writes columns for the Citizens Informer. "Segregation represents the freedom to choose one's associates." Once the segregation battle was lost, the air went out of the White Citizens Councils. The councils steadily lost members throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Sensing the need for a new direction, Baum, formerly the CCA's Midwest field director, called together a group of 30 white men, including former Georgia Gov. Lester Maddox and future Louisiana Congressman John Rarick, for a meeting in Atlanta in 1985. They cooked up a successor organization: the Council of Conservative Citizens. Like the White Citizens Councils, the CCC is made up of local chapters — some of them active in civic affairs that have little to do with the national group's racist agenda. But the group's "uptown" days are largely gone; by 1985, there was precious little "respectability" left in joining an unabashedly white-supremacist organization. And with the CCC, as with the White Citizens Councils of the 1950s and '60s, rabid extremism is never far from the surface.

Communing with the Council Part 2
See No Evil
Read a list of 26 U.S. elected officials whose ties with the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) have been publicized in the CCC's
Citizens Informer.
Read More
'Death By Multiculturalism'
Earlier this year, while President George W. Bush went to Topeka, Kan., to celebrate the 50th anniversary of
Brown vs. Board of Education, the CCC's Web site published a story about the historic impact of the decision. The writer was Edgar Steele, one of America's most vociferous anti-Semites.

"Just a lousy fifty years," Steele lamented. "After hundreds of thousands, even millions, of years of evolution, it took just fifty years [for America] to devolve into something on par with Senegal."

Since the 1999 scandal stripped much of the remaining varnish off the CCC's mainstream pretensions, the extremist views expressed on its Web site and in its newspaper have become increasingly direct, even crude. "What do you call ... four blacks, three hispanics, three Russian Jews, and one white guy?" the CCC home page asked last year. "The FBI's Most Wanted List!"

Another home page ran photos of accused Beltway snipers John Muhammad and John Malvo, 9/11 conspirator Zacharias Moussaoui and shoe-bomber Richard Reed. "Notice a Pattern Here?" asked a caption underneath the four photos. "Is the face of death black after all?"

After the NAACP declared its boycott of South Carolina because the state continued to fly the Confederate battle flag over the Capitol dome, the CCC distributed a mock advertisement proclaiming, "South Carolina Now Has Whiter Beaches!" The ad urged Caucasians to vacation in South Carolina and "enjoy a civil liberty that has been denied to them for many years at hotels, restaurants and beaches: the freedom to associate with just one's own people."

In 2002, the Web site featured a photo of Daniel Pearl, the "Jewish Wall Street Journal reporter" who had just been decapitated by Islamic terrorists. In the photo, Pearl was shown with his "mixed-race wife, Marianne." The headline above the couple's picture read: "Death by Multiculturalism?"

The danger "of race-mixing" has been a consistent theme since the days of the White Citizens Councils. "God is the author of racism," according to a story on the CCC's Web site in 2001. "God is the One who divided mankind into different types. ... Mixing the races is rebelliousness against God." Along with such theological arguments, Citizens Informer has published countless stories detailing "scientific" evidence for white people's inherent superiority.

Writing about Brown vs. Board of Education last spring, contributor Michael Polignano noted that many commentators were using the anniversary to talk about "how far America still falls short of racial equality."

According to Polignano, that lack of progress "should surprise no one, because racial inequality is genetic and cannot be changed by social programs. ... Blacks are on average probably less intelligent than Whites and more aggressive, impulsive and prone to psychopathologies."

Flexing Their Muscles
The CCC's increasingly bald extremism hasn't just been rhetorical. This spring, national officer Sam Dickson, an attorney, represented the Council at neo-Nazi David Duke's prison-release party in New Orleans. Along with leaders of America's neo-Nazi and Holocaust-denial movements, Dickson signed Duke's "New Orleans Protocol," pledging to work with other hate groups to achieve their collective dream of a white America.

Even though it has largely left "respectability" behind, the Council still wields a big political stick in Mississippi, where it claims some 5,000 members. The Council helped organize opposition to a 2001 referendum to change Mississippi's state flag to a less Dixie-fied design (the flag included a miniature representation of the Confederate battle flag). The referendum's thumping defeat in a racially polarized vote — 64% to 36% — was a major victory for the CCC.

Haley Barbour (center), later elected governor of Mississippi, appeared at a 2003 Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) fund-raising event with CCC supporters and officials, including CCC Field Director Bill Lord (far right).
The Council also flexed some muscle in last year's gubernatorial election, which pitted incumbent Democrat Ronnie Musgrove — who led the fight to change the Mississippi state flag — against Republican Haley Barbour. During the campaign, the CCC Web site ran a photograph of Barbour posing with Council luminaries at the Black Hawk Barbecue, a CCC fundraising event for "private academy" school buses.

When the photo caused a stir, Barbour was quick to call the CCC's segregationist views "indefensible." But he refused to ask that his picture be taken down from the Web site. It was a matter of principle, Barbour explained. "Once you start down the slippery slope of saying, 'That person can't be for me,' then where do you stop?" he asked. "Old segregationists? Former Ku Klux Klan?"

State NAACP President Eugene Bryant wasn't buying that argument. "If you cannot say what's right and do what's right and tell people when they're wrong," Bryant told The Associated Press, "then we really don't need a governor like that."

Mississippi voters disagreed. In November, Barbour easily defeated Musgrove. Ironically enough, before he became governor, Barbour had been best known as a former Republican National Committee chairman — preceding Jim Nicholson, the man who called the CCC "racist" and asked party members to cut their ties with the group.

See No Evil
During the 1998-1999 controversy, as Southern politicians were making haste to distance themselves from the CCC, Gordon Baum shot back a warning. The Council ceo told The
Washington Post that by shunning the group, the Republican Party was "doing a pretty good job of running off" white, working-class voters in Dixie.

"The Wallace-Reagan Democrats are the ones who made the Republicans have enough votes to win," Baum said. "Sometimes it's remarkable how dumb [party leaders] are. They let the liberal media run their campaigns. They apparently don't even know why these people vote Republican."

Five years later, it is rare to find an office-holder, even in the Council's Mississippi stronghold, who will admit to being a CCC member. But those "Wallace-Reagan Democrats" are not being ignored — not by the 23 Mississippi lawmakers who've attended CCC events in the past four years.

Some of these officials said that despite its national notoriety and deep roots in Mississippi, they weren't fully aware who they were talking to when they addressed the CCC.

"I know very little about the group," Kay Cobb, presiding justice of the Mississippi Supreme Court, told the Intelligence Report. During her 2000 campaign, Cobb said she "accepted every offer to speak" — a policy that led her to two separate CCC events that year.

At the first one, Cobb introduced speaker Virginia Abernethy, a retired Vanderbilt University psychiatry and anthropology professor and self-described white "separatist" who serves on the hate group's editorial advisory board (see White Supremacy); also attending that day were Baum and Tom Dover, national CCC president. Cobb said she spoke "at the invitation of an elderly couple, friends of the family."

She said she has "never been" a member of the CCC, "which I perceive to be a very small, loosely knit group of ultra-conservative, mostly older, white, rural citizens."

Asked about his speech to the Great Southern CCC in Jackson this February, state Rep. Bill Denny first told the Intelligence Report, "I have no idea who in the world that might be. I can't imagine taking an invitation like that." But during the interview, Denny's recall improved. He remembered that another legislator had "called and asked if I would come over to speak to some groups in his district."

Though he was asked to "speak on the Voting Rights Act," Denny said he was under the impression that the CCC was "a business group." Instead, he says, it turned out to be "kind of a rough-looking group, I'm telling you."

Denny paused thoughtfully, then added, "I gotta be careful what I say."

Some of Denny's colleagues said they knew a little more about the CCC — but not enough to stop them from meeting the members. "I think that it is an organization that preserves some of the symbols of something, like the Sons of Confederate Veterans," said state Rep. Gary Chism, who has spoken at three CCC gatherings since 2001.

State Rep. Danny Reed said he had "seen some of their literature from the national organization" and could understand why the CCC had been designated a hate group. But Reed still saw no problem with addressing the Webster County CCC twice during his latest campaign, in April and September of 2003.

"I'm not a member," he said, "and I haven't been to any meetings except when I was speaking." Plus, he said, "I'm not familiar with any activities that the local organization has been involved in that would be considered a hate crime or anything like that."

When state Rep. John Moore was asked about his two speeches to CCC chapters, he replied with a question: "Is the NAACP on you-all's hit list?" Told that it was not, Moore joked, "Well, they need to be." In a more serious vein, Moore said that he would "not brand" the CCC "as a KKK-style organization," and added that he felt "very comfortable" meeting with Council members.

"They had folks there in suits and ties, and folks who just left the garage," Moore said. "It was very diverse occupationally."

State Rep. Tommy Woods, the rare legislator who will still 'fess up to being a CCC member, strongly disputed the hate-group label. "That's not true, lady," he told the Intelligence Report. "It's very conservative, Christian people that believe in Jesus as their savior. I've never known any one of them to do anything that would cause anyone any suffering. They've helped people. We've had blacks come to our meetings and had no problems."

Shannon Warnock tells a different story. While she was serving as Haley Barbour's campaign liaison to conservative groups, Warnock accepted an invitation to speak on his behalf to the Greater Jackson and Southern Magnolia CCC. Warnock says that Barbour, perhaps sniffing trouble after his own encounter with Council members at the Black Hawk Barbecue, warned her it was "not a good idea" to go.

But Warnock went anyhow — and, after being bombarded with intemperate questions and intolerant attitudes, came away convinced that "hate group is probably an appropriate term" for the CCC. "It was the low point of my campaign experience," said Warnock.

Racist Politicians Exposed Part 3


Communing with the Council Page 3
See No Evil
Read a list of 26 U.S. elected officials whose ties with the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) have been publicized in the CCC's
Citizens Informer.
Read More
Curvature of the Spine
Despite the widening gulf between the CCC and mainstream conservatives, the group has held on to some of its political clout outside Mississippi as well. The Council claimed a role in the defeat of Democratic Gov. Roy Barnes of Georgia in 2002, after Barnes championed a new state flag that de-emphasized Confederate imagery.

CCC officials helped organize several protests aimed (unsuccessfully) at keeping the Confederate battle flag flying over the South Carolina state capitol. They also say they've orchestrated the defeat of two straight South Carolina governors who disagreed with them on the flag issue — Republican David Beasley, who lost in 1998, and Democrat Jim Hodges, defeated in 2002.

During the CCC scandal of 1998-1999, the group had no more ardent defender than South Carolina state Rep. Charles Sharpe, who was proud to say he was a member. "They think like I do," Sharpe told The Miami Herald. Especially on the issue of racial intermarriage.

"Cows and horses don't mix," Sharpe told the Herald. "I don't want any of my people doing it."

Sharpe is now South Carolina's commissioner of agriculture. He was arrested on July 29 and charged with taking at least $20,000 in bribes to protect an illegal cockfighting ring. If he still belongs to the CCC, he has decided to keep quiet about it; Sharpe declined to answer questions for this story.

Another political heavyweight in South Carolina, longtime Democratic state treasurer Grady Patterson, was photographed in his office last year with state CCC chairwoman Frances Bell and her husband, George Bell.Citizens Informer said that the Bells "played a significant role in Patterson's re-election," but Patterson disputes that claim.

Insisting he had never heard of the Council and never authorized any use of the photograph, Patterson expressed his distaste for "organizations like this," saying he fought in World War II "for the American ideal that all men are created equal."

Unlike in 1999, the Republican National Committee has declined to comment about its elected officials' continuing association with the CCC. But Jim Herring, state Republican chairman for Mississippi, was eager to put some distance between the party and the hate group.

Without mentioning the CCC by name, Herring said that the Mississippi GOP would "denounce any group that holds racist views. Any kind of segregationist views. Period. These issues were settled long ago, and we want to look forward, not move backward."

Mississippi's most powerful Republican undoubtedly wishes he had taken that attitude to heart. Three years after he weathered the CCC controversy, Sen. Trent Lott ignited another one when he expressed a view of American political history that could have been lifted straight from the pages of Citizens Informer.

"I want to say this about my state," Lott told an audience gathered for a 100th birthday bash for Sen. Strom Thurmond, who ran for president on the segregationist "Dixiecrat" ticket in 1948. "When Strom Thurmond ran for president, we voted for him. We're proud of it. And if the rest of the country had followed our lead, we wouldn't have had all these problems over all these years either."

Gordon Baum's reaction was swift and celebratory: "Thank God for Trent Lott." But after Lott issued an apology to "anyone who was offended by my statement," the CCC stopped cheering. The Indiana CCC's Web site said Lott's backpedaling showed him to be "little more than a political prostitute."

The second time around, Lott's dalliance with white-supremacist politics cost him the Senate majority leader post that he was about to regain — largely because his comments about Thurmond brought down a hailstorm of criticism from his fellow conservatives, including former New Republiceditor Andrew Sullivan, the National Review's David Frum and Bill Kristol of the Weekly Standard, who simply exclaimed, "Oh God," when he heard about Lott's remarks.

No conservative leader expressed stronger outrage than Ken Connor, president of the Family Research Council, a powerful right-wing lobbying group. Connor told CBS that he and others on the right were furious because Lott's "thoughtless remarks ... simply reinforce the suspicion that conservatives are closet racists and secret segregationists."

The man who would later replace Connor as head of the Family Research Council, Tony Perkins, spoke to the Louisiana Council of Conservative Citizens on May 19, 2001. At the time, Perkins was a Republican state legislator.

Perkins, who still heads the Family Research Council and is regularly quoted in media from The New York Times to National Public Radio, has declined to answer questions about his ties to the CCC.

History by targeted racial group. Pt. 2

Antisemitism

Antisemitism has also played a role in America. During the late 1800s and early 1900s, hundreds of thousands of Ashkenazi Jews were escaping the pogroms of Russia and Eastern Europe. They boarded boats from ports on the Baltic Sea and in Northern Germany, and largely arrived at Ellis Island, New York.[43]

It is thought by Leo Rosten, in his book, 'The Joys of Yiddish', that as soon as they left the boat, they were subject to racism from the port immigration authorities. The derogatory term 'kike' was adopted when referring to Jews (because they often could not write so they may have signed their immigration papers with circles - or kikel in Yiddish).[44]

From the 1910s, the Southern Jewish communities were attacked by the Ku Klux Klan, who objected to Jewish immigration, and often used 'The Jewish Banker' in their propaganda. In 1915, Texas-born, New York Jew Leo Frank was lynched by the newly re-formed Klan, after being convicted of rape and sentenced to death (his punishment was commuted to life imprisonment).[45]

The events in Nazi Germany also attracted attention from America. Jewish lobbying for intervention in Europe drew opposition from theisolationists, amongst whom was Father Charles Coughlin, a well known radio priest, who was known to be critical of Jews, believing that they were leading America into the war.[46] He preached in weekly, overtly anti-Semitic sermons and, from 1936, began publication of a newspaper, Social Justice, in which he printed anti-Semitic accusations such as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[46]

A number of Jewish organizations, Christian organizations, Muslim organizations, and academics consider the Nation of Islam to be anti-Semitic. Specifically, they claim that the Nation of Islam has engaged in revisionist and antisemitic interpretations of the Holocaust and exaggerates the role of Jews in the African slave trade.[47] The Jewish Anti-Defamation League (ADL) alleges that NOI Health Minister, Abdul Alim Muhammad, has accused Jewish doctors of injecting blacks with the AIDS virus,[48] an allegation that Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad has denied.

Anti-White racism

Affirmative action is sometimes called "reverse racism" by its opponents; some sociologists argue that the term "racism" can only be applied to structured systems of racial supremacy, and that opponents would more correctly call affirmative action "reverse discrimination."[49]

In the United States, there have been crimes committed against White Americans on the basis of their ethnicity. One series of unprovoked crimes that specifically targeted White Americans is the Zebra murders that occurred in San Francisco between 1973 and 1974. The Zebra murders were carried out by a group known as Death Angels (a radical splinter group of the Nation of Islam) that intended to kill whites to spread terror and earn favor and status within their sect. The final death count varies depending on which killings are included, but it is believed to account for more than 71 murders in addition to numerous rapes and attempted murders.[citation needed]

Another series of crimes that specifically targeted whites is the 2002 Beltway sniper attacks which planned to kill six whites a day for 30 days,[50] and resulted in 10 deaths and 3 critical injuries. One of the snipers Lee Boyd Malvo testified that John Allen Muhammad was driven by hatred of America because of its "slavery, hypocrisy and foreign policy" and his belief that "the white man is the devil."

According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, national anti-white hate groups that are currently active include Nation of Islam and New Black Panther Party.

According to FBI statistics from 1995-2002, Whites are the second most targeted group for racially motivated hate crime in New York City.[51]

Racism against Middle Easterners and Muslims

An Assyrian church vandalized in Detroit (2007). Assyrians, although not Arabs and mostly Christians, often face backlash in the US for their Middle Eastern background.[52]

Racism against Arab Americans[53] may rise concomittantly with tensions between the American government and the Arab world. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, discrimination and racialized violence has markedly increased against Arab Americans and many other religious and cultural groups.[54]

Iraqis in particular were demonized which led to hatred towards Arabs and Iranians living in the United States and elsewhere in thewestern world.[55][56] There have been attacks against Arabs not only on the basis of their religion (Islam), but also on the basis of their ethnicity; numerous Christian Arabs have been attacked based on their appearances.[57] In addition, non-Arabs who are mistaken for Arabs because of perceived "similarities in appearance" have been collateral victims of anti-Arabism.

Persian people (who constitute a completely different set of ethnic groups than Arabs), as well as South Asians of different ethnic/religious backgrounds (Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs) have been stereotyped as "Arabs". The case of Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh who was murdered at a Phoenix gas station by a white supremacist for "looking like an Arab terrorist" (because of the turban that is a requirement of Sikhism), as well as that of Hindus being attacked for "being Muslims" have achieved prominence and criticism following the September 11 attacks.[58][59]

Racism against Iranians

A man holding a sign that reads "deport allIranians" and "get the hell out of my country" during a protest of the Iran hostage crisis inWashington, D.C. in 1979.

The November 1979 Iranian hostage crisis of the U.S. embassy in Tehran precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, directed both against the new Islamic regimeand Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981, they sometimes flare up. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the U.S. have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.[60]

Ann Coulter called Iranians "ragheads."[61] Brent Scowcroft called the Iranian people "rug merchants."[62]

Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has gradually shown signs of vilifying Iranians.[63] Hollywood network productions such as 24 [64],John Doe, On Wings of Eagles (1986)[65], Escape From Iran: The Canadian Caper (1981)[66], and JAG almost regularly host Persian speaking villains in their storylines. On May 9, 1997,CBS aired an episode of JAG in which several Hamas terrorists take a Washington hospital under siege. According to the film, they spoke in fluent "Persian", not "Arabic".[citation needed]

Some of Hollywood's "stereotypical"[67] and anti-Iranian movies include: The Peacemaker (in which a character, apparently without any context, says "fuck Iran"), The Hitman (in which several mobs join together to demolish an Iranian mob operating in Canada), MadHouse(partially centering upon a wealthy Iranian who is in the process of divorcing his American wife. In one scene, the wife, speaking to her Iranian husband utters "you goddamn towel heads, sand rats"), The Naked Gun, Under Siege, The Delta Force, Into the Night, Down and Out in Beverly Hills, Threads, The Final Options, and Silver Bears.

Racism as a factor in U.S. foreign policy

The earliest decades of expansionist United States foreign policy making was often accompanied by racialist ideological justifications. While pursuing a series of expansionist wars (see "Racism against Native Americans" above), American leaders embraced and ideology of white racial supremacy. George Washington predicted at the end of the U.S. Revolutionary War, “The gradual extension of our settlements will as certainly cause the savage, as the wolf, to retire; both being beasts of prey, tho' they differ in shape."[68] The successful slave revolution inHaiti alarmed the United States leadership, and the country refused diplomatic recognition for decades. The United States conquest of Floridaand the Seminole Wars were fought in part to confront the danger of "mingled hordes of lawless Indians and negroes," in the words of President John Quincy Adams.[69]

Early 20th-century President Theodore Roosevelt declared, "The most ultimately righteous of all wars is a war with savages" and openly spoke of cementing the rule of "dominant world races."[69] In line with the concepts of the "Manifest Destiny" of white Anglo-Americans to conquer lands inhabited by "inferior" races of Native Americans and Mexicans, and the "White Man's Burden" of Europeans' obligation to introduce civilization to the "primitive" people of Africa, Asia and the Pacific, American foreign policy in the early 20th century had racial overtones of a "superior" race destined to rule the world.

Critics such as Gore Vidal and Noam Chomsky have suggested that racism has played a significant role in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East and its treatment of the Arabs. Various critics have suggested that racism along with strategic and financial interests motivated the Bush Administration to attack Iraq even though the Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein did not possess weapons of mass destruction nor had any ties to Al Qaida.[70][71][72] On the other hand, some scholars believe that the United States has softened racial restrictions based on foreign policy concerns. For example, Congress eliminated racial bars on Asian immigration during World War II and the Vietnam War to recognize American allies.[73] When the Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education, the government argued that the Supreme Court should rule against racial segregation to counter Communist propaganda and improve America's image overseas.[74]

Conflicts between racial and ethnic minorities

Argument against minority-minority racism

Minority racism is sometimes considered controversial because of theories of power in society. Some theories of racism insist that racism can only exist in the context of social power to impose it upon others.[75]

African and Mexican American gang violence

There has been ongoing violence between between African American and Mexican American gangs, particularly in Los Angeles,California.[76][77][78][79] There have been reports of racially motivated attacks against African Americans who have moved into neighborhoods occupied mostly by Mexican Americans, and vice versa.[80][81] According to gang experts and law enforcement agents, a longstanding race war between the Mexican Mafia and the Black Guerilla family, a rival African American prison gang, has generated such intense racial hatred among Mexican Mafia leaders, or shot callers, that they have issued a "green light" on all blacks. This amounts to a standing authorization for Latino gang members to prove their mettle by terrorizing or even murdering any blacks sighted in a neighborhood claimed by a gang loyal to the Mexican Mafia.[3] There have been several significant riots in California prisons where Mexican American inmates and African Americans have targeted each other particularly, based on racial reasons.[82][83]

Hispanics and Whites

Recently there has also been an increase in racial violence between whites and Hispanic immigrants.[84]

New Immigrant African Americans and African Americans

The rapid growth in African immigrants has came into conflict with American blacks.[85][86]

Stereotypes and prejudice

This racist postcard from the 1900s shows the casual denigration of black women. It states "I know you're not particular to a fault / Though I'm not sure you'll never be sued for assault / You're so fond of women that even a wench / Attracts your gross fancy despite her strong stench"

Stereotypical images in the entertainment media

Popular culture (songs, theater) for European-American audiences in the nineteenth century created and perpetuated negative stereotypes of African-Americans. One key symbol of racism against African Americans was the use of blackface. Directly related to this was the institution of minstrelsy.

Contemporary images and protests

Increasing numbers of African-American activists have asserted that rap music videos utilize African-American performers commonly enacting tropes of scantily clothed women and men as thugs or pimps. Church organized groups have protested outside the residence of Phillipe Dauman (Upper East Side (New York, NY)) (president and chief executive officer of Viacom) and the residence of Debra L. Lee (Northwest Washington DC) (chairman and chief executive of Black Entertainment Television, a unit of Viacom). Rev. Donald Coates, leader of a protest organization formed around the issue of the videos, "Enough is Enough!" said, “In the wake of the Imus affair, I began to think that the African-American community must be consistent in its outrage.” The Clifton, Maryland ministered has also said, “Why are these corporations making these images normative and mainstream?” . . . . “I can talk about this in the church until I am blue in the face, but we need to take it outside.” The NAACP and the National Congress of Black Women also have called for the reform of images on videos and on television. Julian Bond said that in a segregated society, people get their impressions of other groups from what they see in videos and what they hear in music.[87][88][89][90]

In a similar vein, activists protested against the BET show, Hot Ghetto Mess, which satirizes the culture of working-class African-Americans. The protests resulted in the change of the television show name to We Got to Do Better.[87]

Congressional hearing

In September, 2007 Rep. Bobby Rush (D-Illinois) initiated a Congressional hearing on African-American images in the media, “From Imus to Industry: The Business of Stereotypes and Degrading Images.” [87]

Segregation and integration

History

The Jim Crow Laws were state and local laws enacted in the Southern and border states of the United States and enforced between 1876 and 1965. They mandated "separate but equal" status for black Americans. In reality, this led to treatment and accommodations that were almost always inferior to those provided to white Americans. The most important laws required that public schools, public places and public transportation, like trains and buses, have separate facilities for whites and blacks. (These Jim Crow Laws were separate from the 1800-66Black Codes, which had restricted the civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans.) State-sponsored school segregation was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. Generally, the remaining Jim Crow laws were overruled by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act; none were in effect at the end of the 1960s.

Segregation continued even after the demise of the Jim Crow laws. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration from suggest that in the mid-twentieth century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by whites to exclude blacks from their neighborhoods.[91]Segregation also took the form of redlining, the practice of denying or increasing the cost of services, such as banking, insurance, access to jobs,[92] access to health care,[93] or even supermarkets[94] to residents in certain, often racially determined,[95] areas. Although in the United States informal discrimination and segregation have always existed, the practice called "redlining" began with the National Housing Act of 1934, which established the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). The practice was fought first through passage of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (which prevents redlining when the criteria for redlining are based on race, religion, gender, familial status, disability, or ethnic origin), and later through the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977, which requires banks to apply the same lending criteria in all communities.[96]Although redlining is illegal some argue that it continues to exist in other forms.

Contemporary issues

Black-White segregation is declining fairly consistently for most metropolitan areas and cities. Despite these pervasive patterns, many changes for individual areas are small.[97] Thirty years after the civil rights era, the United States remains a residentially segregated society in which Blacks and Whites inhabit different neighborhoods of vastly different quality.[98][99]

Some researchers suggest that racial segregation may lead to disparities in health and mortality. Thomas LaVeist (1989; 1993) tested the hypothesis that segregation would aid in explaining race differences in infant mortality rates across cities. Analyzing 176 large and midsized cities, LaVeist found support for the hypothesis. Since LaVeist's studies, segregation has received increased attention as a determinant of race disparities in mortality.[100] Studies have shown that mortality rates for male and female African Americans are lower in areas with lower levels of residential segregation. Mortality for male and female Whites was not associated in either direction with residential segregation.[101]

Researchers Sharon A. Jackson, Roger T. Anderson, Norman J. Johnson and Paul D. Sorlie found that, after adjustment for family income,mortality risk increased with increasing minority residential segregation among Blacks aged 25 to 44 years and non-Blacks aged 45 to 64 years. In most age/race/gender groups, the highest and lowest mortality risks occurred in the highest and lowest categories of residential segregation, respectively. These results suggest that minority residential segregation may influence mortality risk and underscore the traditional emphasis on the social underpinnings of disease and death.[102] Rates of heart disease among African Americans are associated with the segregation patterns in the neighborhoods where they live (Fang et al. 1998). Stephanie A. Bond Huie writes that neighborhoods affect health and mortality outcomes primarily in an indirect fashion through environmental factors such as smoking, diet, exercise, stress, and access to health insurance and medical providers.[103] Moreover, segregation strongly influences premature mortality in the US.[104]

Laws regarding race

Court cases regarding race

Institutional racism

Institutional racism is the theory that aspects of the structure, pervasive attitudes, and established institutions of society disadvantage some racial groups, although not by an overtly discriminatory mechanism.[105] There are several factors that play into institutional racism, including but not limited to: accumulated wealth/benefits from racial groups that have benefited from past discrimination, educational and occupational disadvantages faced by non-native English speakers in the United States, ingrained stereotypical images that still remain in the society (e.g. black men are likely to be criminals).[106]

Immigration

Access to United States citizenship was restricted by race, beginning with the Naturalization Act of 1790 which refused naturalization to "non-whites." Many in the modern United States forget the institutionalized prejudice against white followers of Roman Catholicism who immigrated from countries such as Ireland, Germany, Italy and France.[107] Other efforts include the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the 1924 National Origins Act.[108][109] The Immigration Act of 1924 was aimed at further restricting the Southern and Eastern Europeans who had begun to enter the country in large numbers beginning in the 1890s. While officially prohibited, U.S. officials continue to differentially apply laws on illegal immigration depending on national origin (essentially declining to enforce immigration laws against citizens of rich countries who overstay their visas) and personal economy (differentially awarding visas to foreign nationals based on bank accounts, properties and so on).

Wealth creation

Massive racial differentials in account of wealth remain in the United States: between whites and African Americans, the gap is a factor of ten.[110] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, “The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it’s also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States.”[111] Differentials applied to theSocial Security Act (which excluded agricultural workers, a sector that then included most black workers), rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered returning soldiers after World War II. Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[112]

Impact on health

In the US racial differences in health and quality of life often persist even at equivalent socioeconomics levels. Individual and institutional discrimination, along with the stigma of inferiority, can adversely affect health. Residence in poor neighborhoods, racial bias in medical care, the stress of experiences of discrimination and the acceptance of the societal stigma of inferiority can have deleterious consequences for health.[113] Using The Schedule of Racist Events (SRE), an 18-item self-report inventory that assesses the frequency of racist discrimination. Hope Landrine and Elizabeth A. Klonoff found that racist discrimination is rampant in the lives of African Americans and is strongly related to psychiatric symptoms.[114] A study on racist events in the lives of African American women found that lifetime experiences of racism were positively related to lifetime history of both physical disease and frequency of recent common colds. These relationships were largely unaccounted for by other variables. Demographic variables such as income and education were not related to experiences of racism. The results suggest that racism can be detrimental to African American's well being.[115] The physiological stress caused by racism has been documented in studies by Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer on what they term "stereotype threat."[116] Kennedy et al. found that both measures of collective disrespect were strongly correlated with black mortality (r = 0.53 to 0.56), as well as with white mortality (r = 0.48 to 0.54). These data suggest that racism, measured as an ecologic characteristic, is associated with higher mortality in both blacks and whites.[117]

Health care inequality

They are major racial differences in access to health care and in the quality of health care provided. A study published in the American Journal of Public Health estimated that: "over 886,000 deaths could have been prevented from 1991 to 2000 if African Americans had received the same care as whites." The key differences they cited were lack of insurance, inadequate insurance, poor service, and reluctance to seek care.[118] A history of government-sponsored experimentation, such as the notorious Tuskegee Syphilis Study has left of legacy of African American distrust of the medical system.[119]

Inequalities in health care may also reflect a systemic bias in the way medical procedures and treatments are prescribed for different ethnic groups. Raj Bhopal writes that the history of racism in science and medicine shows that people and institutions behave according to the ethos of their times and warns of dangers to avoid in the future.[120] Nancy Krieger contended that much modern research supported the assumptions needed to justify racism. Racism she writes underlies unexplained inequities in health care, including treatment for heart disease,[121] renal failure,[122] bladder cancer,[123] and pneumonia.[124] Raj Bhopal writes that these inequalities have been documented in numerous studies. The consistent and repeated findings that black Americans receive less health care than white Americans—particularly where this involves expensive new technology.[125]

Affirmative action

Affirmative action is a policy or program intended to promote access to education or employment for minority groups and women. Motivation for affirmative action policies is to redress the effects of past discrimination and to encourage public institutions such as universities, hospitals, and police forces to be more representative of the population.

Affirmative action programs may include targeted recruitment efforts, preferential treatment given to applicants from historically disadvantaged groups, and in some cases the use of quotas. Most American universities and some employers practice affirmative action.[citation needed]

Some opponents of affirmative action view the greater access by women and minority groups to be at the expense of groups considered dominant (typically white men). In their view, these policies demonstrate an overt preference for applicants from particular backgrounds over better-qualified (or equally-qualified) candidates from other backgrounds. Some opponents of affirmative action believe the only consideration in choosing between applicants should be merit. Some also criticize affirmative action because they believe it perpetuates racial division instead of minimizing the importance of race in American society.[126]

Supporters of affirmative action believe that the perceived injustice to the dominant group is not supported by facts. They point to statistics that suggest that affirmative action has not resulted in fewer opportunities for white people. For example, white enrollment in universities has increased along with minority enrollment. In 1973, 30% of white high school graduates attended universities; in 1993, after widespread implementation of affirmative action policies, that number had risen to 42%.[127] Some supporters of affirmative action point out that, even in the absence of affirmative action, college admissions rarely are purely merit-based: athletes, musicians, and legacy students (children ofalumni) have always been given preferential treatment. For example, Harvard University admits 35-40% of legacy applicants, and a rejected white applicant is more likely to have been displaced by a legacy student than by one who benefited from affirmative action.[citation needed]

Anti-Civil Rights leaders

The following list are of US personages well known for their opposition to either equal and or Civil Rights for minorities:

Current hate groups

Supremacist, separatist, racist, and hate groups still operate in the United States. The Ku Klux Klan, the National Alliance, National Socialist Movement (United States), Aryan Nations, Westboro Baptist Church, Nation of Islam, League of the South, New Black Panther Party, Nation of Aztlán, Nation of Yahweh, Jewish Task Force, the Jewish Defense League, and the White Order of Thule are among the institutions most commonly identified in this way.

Anti-racism

Counter-racist organizations

Further reading

  • Cedric Robinson: Forgeries of Memory and Meaning: Blacks and the Regimes of Race in American Theater and Film Before World War II, University of North Carolina Press, 2007, ISBN 0807858412

See also

External links